C
Chad Harris
That explains why your'e so limited on here. It explains why you're getting
the democracy you deserve in the US.
I noticed you can't debunk any of my claims--and MSFT does turn over your
searches back to 18 months to the gov and the US is warantlessly wiretapping
your phones, any calls across their switches, absorbing and monitoring your
email and keystrokes vs. ISPs.
Any moron can take out their little willy and piss on a particular
newspaper. Any moron can call names. What is scarce here is documentation.
Namecalling is plentiful particularly by those who never help with questions
on Vista or other software or hardware.
LOL I guess you're into the rareified righ winged WSJ editorial page that
was total shit under the Bancrofts and is about toget worse under Murdoch.
It's the best paper in the world, and what Meddlin' Murdoch hopes he can
compete with by soon putting the entire WSJ on the web free.
How 'bout that successful Iraq war? LOL How 'bout that tough ass Gungho
Iraq (although he can't explain any objectives there) Romney whose sons are
braving bombs and gun fire in Iowa.
FRANK RICH: NEW YORK TIMES Sunday 8/12/07
Shuffling Off to Crawford, 2007 Edition
THE cases of Pat Tillman and Jessica Lynch were ugly enough. So surely
someone in the White House might have the good taste to draw the line at
exploiting the murdered Wall Street Journal reporter Daniel Pearl. But
nothing is out of bounds for a government that puts the darkest arts of
politics and public relations above even the exigencies of war.
As Jane Mayer told the story in last week's New Yorker, Mariane Pearl was
called by Alberto Gonzales with some good news in March: the Justice
Department was releasing a transcript in which the long-incarcerated Qaeda
thug Khalid Sheikh Mohammed confessed to the beheading of her husband. But
there was something off about Mr. Gonzales's news. It was almost four years
old.
Condoleezza Rice had called Ms. Pearl to tell her in confidence about the
very same confession back in 2003; it was also reported that year in The
Journal and elsewhere. What's more, the confession was suspect; another
terrorist had been convicted in the Pearl case in Pakistan in 2002. There is
no known corroborating evidence that Mohammed, the 9/11 ringleader who has
taken credit for many horrific crimes while in American custody, was
responsible for this particular murder. None of his claims, particularly
those possibly coerced by torture, can be taken as gospel solely on our
truth-challenged attorney general's say-so.
Ms. Pearl recognized a publicity ploy when she saw it. And this one wasn't
subtle. Mr. Gonzales released the Mohammed transcript just as the latest
Justice Department scandal was catching fire, with newly disclosed e-mail
exchanges revealing the extent of White House collaboration in the United
States attorney firings. Had the attorney general succeeded in enlisting
Daniel Pearl's widow as a player in his stunt, it might have diverted
attention from a fracas then engulfing President Bush on his Latin American
tour.
Though he failed this time, Mr. Gonzales's P.R. manipulation of the war on
terror hasn't always been so fruitless. To upstage increasingly contentious
Congressional restlessness about Iraq in 2006, he put on a widely viewed
show to announce an alleged plot by men in Miami to blow up the Sears Tower
in Chicago and conduct a "full ground war." He said at the time the men
"swore allegiance to Al Qaeda" but, funnily enough, last week this case was
conspicuously missing from a long new White House "fact sheet" listing all
the terrorist plots it had foiled.
The Gonzales antics are, of course, in the tradition of an administration
with a genius for stirring up terror nightmares at politically opportune
times, like just before the Democratic convention in 2004. The Sears Tower
scenario came right out of the playbook of his predecessor, John Ashcroft.
In 2002, Mr. Ashcroft waited a full month to announce the Chicago arrest of
the "dirty bomber" Jose Padilla - suddenly commandeering TV cameras in the
middle of a trip to Moscow so that this tardy "news" could drown out the
damning pre-9/11 revelations from the F.B.I. whistleblower Coleen Rowley.
Since then, the dirty bomb in the Padilla case has evaporated much like Mr.
Gonzales's Sears Tower extravaganza.
Now that the administration is winding down and the Qaeda threat is at its
scariest since 2001, one might hope that such stunts would cease. Indeed,
two of the White House's most accomplished artificial-reality Imagineers
both left their jobs last month: Scott Sforza, the former ABC News producer
who polished up the "Mission Accomplished" spectacle, and Peter Feaver, the
academic specialist in wartime public opinion who helped conceive the
35-page National Security Council document that Mr. Bush unveiled as his
Iraq "Plan for Victory" in November 2005.
Mr. Feaver's document used the word victory six times in its table of
contents alone, and was introduced by a speech at the Naval Academy in which
Mr. Bush invoked "victory" 15 times while standing on a set bedecked with
"Plan for Victory" signage. Alas, it turned out that victory could not be
achieved merely by Orwellian incantation, so the plan was scrapped only 13
months later for the "surge." But while Mr. Feaver and his doomed effort to
substitute propaganda for action may now be gone, the White House's public
relations strategies for the war, far from waning, are again gathering
steam, to America's peril.
This came into sharp focus last weekend, when our military disclosed, very
quietly and with a suspicious lack of accompanying White House fanfare, that
it had killed a major terror culprit in Iraq, Haythem Sabah al-Badri. Never
heard of him? Usually this administration oversells every death of a
terrorist leader. It underplayed Badri's demise for a reason. The fine print
would further expose the fictional new story line that has been concocted to
rebrand and resell the Iraq war as a battle against Osama bin Laden's Al
Qaeda - or, as Mr. Bush now puts it, "the very same folks that attacked us
on September the 11th."
To understand how, revisit the president's trial run of this new narrative,
when he announced the surge in January. Mr. Bush had to explain why his
previous "Plan for Victory" had gone belly up so quickly, so he came up with
a new premise that absolved him of blame. In his prime-time speech, the
president implied that all had been on track in Iraq after the country's
December 2005 elections until Feb. 22, 2006, when one of the holiest Shiite
shrines, the gold-domed mosque in Samarra, was blown up. In this revisionist
history, that single terrorist act set off the outbreak of sectarian
violence in Iraq now requiring the surge.
This narrative was false. Shiite death squads had been attacking Sunnis for
more than a year before the Samarra bombing. The mosque attack was not a
turning point. It was merely a confirmation of the Iraqi civil war that Mr.
Bush refuses to acknowledge because American voters don't want their troops
in the middle of one.
But that wasn't the only new plot point that the president advanced in his
surge speech. With no proof, Mr. Bush directly attributed the newly
all-important Samarra bombing to "Al Qaeda terrorists and Sunni insurgents,"
cementing a rhetorical sleight of hand he had started sketching out during
the midterm election season.
In fact, no one has taken credit for the mosque bombing to this day. But
Iraqi government officials fingered Badri as the culprit. (Some local
officials told The Washington Post after the bombing that Iraqi security
forces were themselves responsible.) Since Badri is a leader of a tiny
insurgent cell reportedly affiliated with what the president calls "Al Qaeda
in Iraq," Mr. Bush had the last synthetic piece he needed to complete his
newest work of fiction: 1) All was hunky-dory with his plan for victory
until the mosque was bombed. 2) "Al Qaeda in Iraq" bombed the mosque. 3)
Ipso facto, America must escalate the war to defeat "Al Qaeda in Iraq,"
those "very same folks that attacked us on September the 11th."
As a growing chorus of critics reiterates, "Al Qaeda in Iraq" is not those
very same folks. It did not exist on 9/11 but was a product of the Iraq war
and accounts for only a small fraction of the Sunni insurgency. It is not to
be confused with the resurgent bin Laden network we've been warned about in
the latest National Intelligence Estimate. But this factual issue hasn't
deterred Mr. Bush. He has merely stepped up his bogus conflation of the two
Qaedas by emphasizing all the "foreign leaders" of "Al Qaeda in Iraq,"
because that might allow him to imply they are bin Laden emissaries. In a
speech in Charleston, S.C., on July 24, he listed a Syrian, an Egyptian, a
Tunisian, a Saudi and a Turk.
Against the backdrop of this stepped-up propaganda blitz, Badri's death nine
days later was an inconvenient reminder of the hole in the official White
House narrative. Mr. Bush couldn't do his usual victory jig over Badri's
demise because there's no way to pass off Badri as a link to bin Laden. He
was born in Samarra and was a member of Saddam's Special Republican Guard.
If Badri was responsible for the mosque bombing that has caused all our woes
in Iraq and forced us to stay there, then the president's story line falls
apart. Far from having any connection to bin Laden's Qaeda, the Samarra
bombing was instead another manifestation of the Iraqi civil war that Mr.
Bush denies. No wonder the same White House "fact sheet" that left out Mr.
Gonzales's foiled Sears Tower plot and, for that matter, Jose Padilla, also
omitted Badri's name from its list of captured and killed "Senior Al Qaeda
Leaders." Surely it was a coincidence that this latest statement of official
Bush administration amnesia was released on Aug. 6, the sixth anniversary of
the President's Daily Brief titled "Bin Laden Determined to Strike in U.S."
And so the president, firm in his resolve against "Al Qaeda in Iraq," heads
toward another August break in Crawford while Al Qaeda in Pakistan and
Afghanistan remains determined to strike in America. No one can doubt Mr.
Bush's triumph in the P.R. war: There are more American troops than ever
mired in Iraq, sent there by a fresh round of White House fictions. And the
real war? The enemy that did attack us six years ago, sad to say, is likely
to persist in its nasty habit of operating in the reality-based world that
our president disdains.
the democracy you deserve in the US.
I noticed you can't debunk any of my claims--and MSFT does turn over your
searches back to 18 months to the gov and the US is warantlessly wiretapping
your phones, any calls across their switches, absorbing and monitoring your
email and keystrokes vs. ISPs.
Any moron can take out their little willy and piss on a particular
newspaper. Any moron can call names. What is scarce here is documentation.
Namecalling is plentiful particularly by those who never help with questions
on Vista or other software or hardware.
LOL I guess you're into the rareified righ winged WSJ editorial page that
was total shit under the Bancrofts and is about toget worse under Murdoch.
It's the best paper in the world, and what Meddlin' Murdoch hopes he can
compete with by soon putting the entire WSJ on the web free.
How 'bout that successful Iraq war? LOL How 'bout that tough ass Gungho
Iraq (although he can't explain any objectives there) Romney whose sons are
braving bombs and gun fire in Iowa.
FRANK RICH: NEW YORK TIMES Sunday 8/12/07
Shuffling Off to Crawford, 2007 Edition
THE cases of Pat Tillman and Jessica Lynch were ugly enough. So surely
someone in the White House might have the good taste to draw the line at
exploiting the murdered Wall Street Journal reporter Daniel Pearl. But
nothing is out of bounds for a government that puts the darkest arts of
politics and public relations above even the exigencies of war.
As Jane Mayer told the story in last week's New Yorker, Mariane Pearl was
called by Alberto Gonzales with some good news in March: the Justice
Department was releasing a transcript in which the long-incarcerated Qaeda
thug Khalid Sheikh Mohammed confessed to the beheading of her husband. But
there was something off about Mr. Gonzales's news. It was almost four years
old.
Condoleezza Rice had called Ms. Pearl to tell her in confidence about the
very same confession back in 2003; it was also reported that year in The
Journal and elsewhere. What's more, the confession was suspect; another
terrorist had been convicted in the Pearl case in Pakistan in 2002. There is
no known corroborating evidence that Mohammed, the 9/11 ringleader who has
taken credit for many horrific crimes while in American custody, was
responsible for this particular murder. None of his claims, particularly
those possibly coerced by torture, can be taken as gospel solely on our
truth-challenged attorney general's say-so.
Ms. Pearl recognized a publicity ploy when she saw it. And this one wasn't
subtle. Mr. Gonzales released the Mohammed transcript just as the latest
Justice Department scandal was catching fire, with newly disclosed e-mail
exchanges revealing the extent of White House collaboration in the United
States attorney firings. Had the attorney general succeeded in enlisting
Daniel Pearl's widow as a player in his stunt, it might have diverted
attention from a fracas then engulfing President Bush on his Latin American
tour.
Though he failed this time, Mr. Gonzales's P.R. manipulation of the war on
terror hasn't always been so fruitless. To upstage increasingly contentious
Congressional restlessness about Iraq in 2006, he put on a widely viewed
show to announce an alleged plot by men in Miami to blow up the Sears Tower
in Chicago and conduct a "full ground war." He said at the time the men
"swore allegiance to Al Qaeda" but, funnily enough, last week this case was
conspicuously missing from a long new White House "fact sheet" listing all
the terrorist plots it had foiled.
The Gonzales antics are, of course, in the tradition of an administration
with a genius for stirring up terror nightmares at politically opportune
times, like just before the Democratic convention in 2004. The Sears Tower
scenario came right out of the playbook of his predecessor, John Ashcroft.
In 2002, Mr. Ashcroft waited a full month to announce the Chicago arrest of
the "dirty bomber" Jose Padilla - suddenly commandeering TV cameras in the
middle of a trip to Moscow so that this tardy "news" could drown out the
damning pre-9/11 revelations from the F.B.I. whistleblower Coleen Rowley.
Since then, the dirty bomb in the Padilla case has evaporated much like Mr.
Gonzales's Sears Tower extravaganza.
Now that the administration is winding down and the Qaeda threat is at its
scariest since 2001, one might hope that such stunts would cease. Indeed,
two of the White House's most accomplished artificial-reality Imagineers
both left their jobs last month: Scott Sforza, the former ABC News producer
who polished up the "Mission Accomplished" spectacle, and Peter Feaver, the
academic specialist in wartime public opinion who helped conceive the
35-page National Security Council document that Mr. Bush unveiled as his
Iraq "Plan for Victory" in November 2005.
Mr. Feaver's document used the word victory six times in its table of
contents alone, and was introduced by a speech at the Naval Academy in which
Mr. Bush invoked "victory" 15 times while standing on a set bedecked with
"Plan for Victory" signage. Alas, it turned out that victory could not be
achieved merely by Orwellian incantation, so the plan was scrapped only 13
months later for the "surge." But while Mr. Feaver and his doomed effort to
substitute propaganda for action may now be gone, the White House's public
relations strategies for the war, far from waning, are again gathering
steam, to America's peril.
This came into sharp focus last weekend, when our military disclosed, very
quietly and with a suspicious lack of accompanying White House fanfare, that
it had killed a major terror culprit in Iraq, Haythem Sabah al-Badri. Never
heard of him? Usually this administration oversells every death of a
terrorist leader. It underplayed Badri's demise for a reason. The fine print
would further expose the fictional new story line that has been concocted to
rebrand and resell the Iraq war as a battle against Osama bin Laden's Al
Qaeda - or, as Mr. Bush now puts it, "the very same folks that attacked us
on September the 11th."
To understand how, revisit the president's trial run of this new narrative,
when he announced the surge in January. Mr. Bush had to explain why his
previous "Plan for Victory" had gone belly up so quickly, so he came up with
a new premise that absolved him of blame. In his prime-time speech, the
president implied that all had been on track in Iraq after the country's
December 2005 elections until Feb. 22, 2006, when one of the holiest Shiite
shrines, the gold-domed mosque in Samarra, was blown up. In this revisionist
history, that single terrorist act set off the outbreak of sectarian
violence in Iraq now requiring the surge.
This narrative was false. Shiite death squads had been attacking Sunnis for
more than a year before the Samarra bombing. The mosque attack was not a
turning point. It was merely a confirmation of the Iraqi civil war that Mr.
Bush refuses to acknowledge because American voters don't want their troops
in the middle of one.
But that wasn't the only new plot point that the president advanced in his
surge speech. With no proof, Mr. Bush directly attributed the newly
all-important Samarra bombing to "Al Qaeda terrorists and Sunni insurgents,"
cementing a rhetorical sleight of hand he had started sketching out during
the midterm election season.
In fact, no one has taken credit for the mosque bombing to this day. But
Iraqi government officials fingered Badri as the culprit. (Some local
officials told The Washington Post after the bombing that Iraqi security
forces were themselves responsible.) Since Badri is a leader of a tiny
insurgent cell reportedly affiliated with what the president calls "Al Qaeda
in Iraq," Mr. Bush had the last synthetic piece he needed to complete his
newest work of fiction: 1) All was hunky-dory with his plan for victory
until the mosque was bombed. 2) "Al Qaeda in Iraq" bombed the mosque. 3)
Ipso facto, America must escalate the war to defeat "Al Qaeda in Iraq,"
those "very same folks that attacked us on September the 11th."
As a growing chorus of critics reiterates, "Al Qaeda in Iraq" is not those
very same folks. It did not exist on 9/11 but was a product of the Iraq war
and accounts for only a small fraction of the Sunni insurgency. It is not to
be confused with the resurgent bin Laden network we've been warned about in
the latest National Intelligence Estimate. But this factual issue hasn't
deterred Mr. Bush. He has merely stepped up his bogus conflation of the two
Qaedas by emphasizing all the "foreign leaders" of "Al Qaeda in Iraq,"
because that might allow him to imply they are bin Laden emissaries. In a
speech in Charleston, S.C., on July 24, he listed a Syrian, an Egyptian, a
Tunisian, a Saudi and a Turk.
Against the backdrop of this stepped-up propaganda blitz, Badri's death nine
days later was an inconvenient reminder of the hole in the official White
House narrative. Mr. Bush couldn't do his usual victory jig over Badri's
demise because there's no way to pass off Badri as a link to bin Laden. He
was born in Samarra and was a member of Saddam's Special Republican Guard.
If Badri was responsible for the mosque bombing that has caused all our woes
in Iraq and forced us to stay there, then the president's story line falls
apart. Far from having any connection to bin Laden's Qaeda, the Samarra
bombing was instead another manifestation of the Iraqi civil war that Mr.
Bush denies. No wonder the same White House "fact sheet" that left out Mr.
Gonzales's foiled Sears Tower plot and, for that matter, Jose Padilla, also
omitted Badri's name from its list of captured and killed "Senior Al Qaeda
Leaders." Surely it was a coincidence that this latest statement of official
Bush administration amnesia was released on Aug. 6, the sixth anniversary of
the President's Daily Brief titled "Bin Laden Determined to Strike in U.S."
And so the president, firm in his resolve against "Al Qaeda in Iraq," heads
toward another August break in Crawford while Al Qaeda in Pakistan and
Afghanistan remains determined to strike in America. No one can doubt Mr.
Bush's triumph in the P.R. war: There are more American troops than ever
mired in Iraq, sent there by a fresh round of White House fictions. And the
real war? The enemy that did attack us six years ago, sad to say, is likely
to persist in its nasty habit of operating in the reality-based world that
our president disdains.